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This study examines the prominence and framing of religion in election campaign communication in Norway, Sweden and Denmark. Although the rise of populist radical right parties and the continued presence of Christian Democratic parties (CDP) suggest that religion is being politicised, we know comparatively little about how religion is mobilised in contemporary Nordic election campaigns. Based on a content analysis of election manifestos and parties' official Facebook accounts, the study assesses the relative prominence of different religious categories and the ways they are framed. The findings show that religion plays a limited role in Nordic election campaigns. Mainstream parties rarely invoke religion. CDP continue to articulate Christian moral values (with Sweden as an exception), whereas populist radical right parties rely primarily on anti-Islam messages rather than pro-Christian appeals. The results qualify broader claims about increasing religious politicisation in Nordic electoral politics. © 2026 The Author(s). Scandinavian Political Studies published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd on behalf of Nordic Political Science Association.

Studien syftar till att undersöka representationen av äldre kvinnor i svenska kommuners styrdokument gällande våld i nära relation. En kvalitativ textanalys genomförs av 144 styrdokument från lika många kommuner, där ett analysverktyg utformat av Kristina Boréus används för att identifiera språklig diskriminering. Resultaten visar på en underrepresentation av äldre kvinnor. I en majoritet (56 procent) av de undersökta styrdokumenten osynliggörs äldre kvinnor – de omnämns inte. De styrdokument som ändå nämner äldre kvinnor gör detta oftast summariskt, generaliserande och utan att beskriva specifika behov och utmaningar för gruppen. En slutsats är att våld i nära relationer mot äldre kvinnor inte är tillräckligt uppmärksammat i styrdokumenten. Studien understryker behovet av utökad representation för att säkerställa adekvat stöd och efterlyser inkludering av intersektionella genusperspektiv och kritiska förhållningssätt till ålderism.

Drawing upon an analytical combination of critical security studies (CST) and intersectional theory (IT), we in this article focus on migration policy in Sweden 2015-2023 with a particular focus on representations of Islam and Muslims. Using thematic analysis, arguments, and statements raised by key political actors, i.e., the Swedish Government and the radical-right/retrotopian party Sweden Democrats, we study the threats as perceived to legitimize the Swedish Government's turn to a more restrictive stance. Exploring the official, justifying points of this policy turn, we also exemplify our approach by referencing policy repercussions related to the Russian attack on Ukraine. Outstanding findings in the material include continuous attempts to de-masculinize Muslim men who are constructed interchangeably as welfare recipients, violent and eager terrorists, exponents of criminal behavior in general, or failing in their role as protectors of women and children. All in all, these findings are representations of a particular 'Swedish' culture, the welfare state and individual responsibility implicating a mission to save a national 'We' from a foreign 'Them' built around negative stereotypes of Muslims. In addition to illustrating the analytical strength of securitization theory, we also demonstrate the complementary capacity of intersectional theory for an analysis of migration policy change.

Drawing upon the work of Sara R Farris on femonationalism, this article presents an empirical study of the men’s group activities of ‘Vi är Sverige’ (‘We are Sweden’), an NGO that educates male migrants in gender equality. How are problems of gender inequality presented in this context? What versions of gender equality are being taught, and what are the pros and cons thereof from a feminist perspective? Methodologically, this paper draws upon a thematic analysis of public documents and media postings from Vi är Sverige, as well as on observations and individual interviews with members of one of its men’s groups. Our findings indicate that, in these activities, problems of gender inequality were attributed to non-Western men and their perceived lack of Swedish attitudes and values; while injustices done by native Swedish men were passed over in silence. Hence, we have found femonationalist tendencies in civic-integration programmes implemented by an organisation in Sweden that work with men’s groups. However, these programmes did promote a dynamic view of masculinity, thereby providing opportunities for change also to male migrants from societies with a predominantly Muslim population. The participants themselves expressed a favourable attitude towards gender equality, thereby constructing a non-white Swedish masculinity.